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For example, in the Mandarin dialect of Yangzhou, Nanjing, Chengdu, and Kunming, the groups of *voiced-initial and *voiceless-initial share the common tonal value [4], [5], [31], and [31], respectively. In the Xiang dialect of Changsha (䮯⋉), both groups maintain the same pitch value [24]. In the Gan dialects of Nanchang (ই᰼), both groups preserve the same pitch value [5]. Note that the Mandarin dialects of Yangzhou and Nanjing have no surviving original final stop, and the only syllable-final consonant is a glottal stop -Ƣ which was neutralized from *-p, *-t, and *-k.

In the Central Yi dialect of Nanhua, checked syllables with a *voiceless initial are found in the mid-level tone [33], but checked syllables with a *voiced initial are divided into the high-level tone [55] and the low-falling tone [21] without Sound Change: Tonal Split 39 any predictable conditioning factor. Note that this result is based on Matisoff’s reconstruction of *LB. However, when using Bradley’s (1978) reconstruction of *L, the tonal split in Nanhua seems to be conditioned by the three-way contrast between voiceless, voiced C-prefixed, and voiced non-C-prefixed initials.

It is uncertain if Southern Yi, White Lolo or other dialects of Yi could be of this type. 2. Tonal splits in possible Loloish and Burmish *checked syllables The subgrouping of Loloish languages has not been completely accepted due to several disagreements between Chinese and Western linguists; however, there are four languages which are most likely to be Loloish because they show numerous lexical similarities. They are: (1) Yi (Lolo), Chen’s main research language, was investigated in the previous section.

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